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| Pemuda
Street, Bireuen, North Acheh, in 1992; but now it is all
different reality. Like many other towns in Sub-District
areas in Acheh, Bireuen and its vicinities have totally
different appearance now. Many stores and homes have
been torched to
the ground during Indonesian military sweepings in
search of separatist activists. |
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| Acheh
Killings a Wake up Call |
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| CANBERRA,
August 29, 2000 (AT)
—— The
article in a prominent Australian weekend newspaper (Aug.
11-12) on the Julok massacre in Acheh, North Sumatra carried
the headline "Massacre a wake-up call for new
regime". But the Julok massacre was not a wake-up call
for the new Indonesian administration of President Megawati
Soekarnoputri, which is fully aware of the atrocities
perpetrated by its security forces in Acheh. Rather, it was a
wake-up call for the international community.
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'An
unknown number were taken for further
"questioning" by the security forces; despite the
efforts of relatives to gain information on their
whereabouts, they have not been seen since.'
'The
results of the latest military operation, which has been
effective in Acheh since April, are to be witnessed in the
likes of Julok and many similar, albeit smaller-scale,
killing sprees undertaken by the military.'
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 HE
MASSACRE IN East Acheh on Aug. 9
left at least 31 dead and nine in hospital. Eyewitnesses
tell of the arrival of the military at the barracks of a
plantation company in the early morning. Workers were forced
outside and their wages taken; women and children were
separated from the men. The military then forced the men to
take off their shirts and opened fire, next turning on the
women and children. Among the 31 dead were two under the age
of five and several women.
The military then proceeded to terrorize civilians in nearby
villages, accusing the men of being members of the Free Acheh
Movement (GAM, which has been fighting for independence from
Jakarta for more than 25 years). An unknown number were
taken for further "questioning" by the security
forces; despite the efforts of relatives to gain information
on their whereabouts, they have not been seen since.
Prime Minister John Howard's visit to Jakarta on Aug. 12, in
the immediate wake of this latest massacre, was the perfect
opportunity for Australia to represent the international
community's concern for human rights to President Megawati.
Instead, Prime Minister Howard engaged in what can only be
described as a dance of "Aussie mateship". He even
told reporters that "We
admire the steps being undertaken by Indonesia to emerge as
a democracy".
But Indonesia is a struggling "democracy". And
behind the "mateship" being courted by the
Australian government lies the ever-present (although
increasingly ignored) darker side of Indonesian politics.
The massacre in Julok was overlooked; Prime Minister Howard
chose instead to pledge that Australia would be patient with
its closest neighbor, which has so many problems to overcome.
Perhaps Howard should have been briefed on the current
situation in Acheh prior to courting this new-found "mateship".
The results of the latest military operation, which has been
effective in Acheh since April, are to be witnessed in the
likes of Julok and many similar, albeit smaller-scale,
killing sprees undertaken by the military.
Such events are evidence of the "security
solution" favored by the military and several political
elites. The political solution which former President
Abdurrahman Wahid (Gus Dur) favored, and which Megawati says
she also prefers to pursue, is nothing more than a political
game. The special autonomy package signed recently in
Jakarta allows (among other things) Acheh to keep 70 per cent
of oil and gas revenue. Jakarta's perceived exploitation of
Acheh's vast oil and gas reserves has been a major factor
winning GAM sympathy in its push for independence. But it
does not address the issue of justice for those who have
suffered human rights abuses. The package is merely an
agreement between Jakarta and the Achenese elite to whose
interests it was tailored. Meanwhile, its relevance to the
horrors of the killing fields of Acheh will be minimal.
Prime Minister Howard should be reminded that latest talks
on Acheh broke down in July and that Jakarta subsequently
suspended two joint rebel-government
committees that were monitoring security and humanitarian
affairs. Six of the GAM members of this committee,
subsequently arrested, remain in custody. Moreover,
several Achenese are being held as political prisoners,
charged under the same articles Soeharto used to silence his
critics.
In addition, while Howard witnessed in Jakarta the
preparations for Indonesia's Aug. 17th Independence Day
celebrations, the Achenese were being forced to purchase and
display the red and white flag. The district military
commander declared with pride that "90 percent of
houses have the flags".
A message I received from Banda Acheh on Aug. 16 from an
activist in Banda Acheh read: "Please help us. The
military is intimidating us if we don't buy a flag but many
people have burned flags and now the military is angry. I am
very afraid. Since Megawati become Indonesia's president the
condition of Acheh has been more repressive."
Recently two mass graves have been found with a total of 57
bodies. The first was uncovered in West Acheh, the bodies
allegedly some of those taken for "further
questioning" by the military in the wake of the Julok
massacre. A second grave with nine bodies has also been
found. And what of the others who were taken that day?
Since the beginning of the year, around 1,500 people have
died in Acheh, more than half of that number since the
beginning of the new military operation in April.
Behind the facade of "democratization" lies the
hand of the military. Take, for example, the appointment of
the new Attorney General, M.A. Rachman. Bowing to pressure
from the military and some political elite, Megawati
appointed to the post of Attorney General the executive
chair of the special team formed to investigate the 1999
human rights violations in East Timor. That team, headed by
Rachman——upon
whose shoulders victims of human rights abuses and those who
campaign for accountability now pin their hopes——found
there was insufficient evidence to prosecute any of the high
ranking officers (including former military commander
Gen. Wiranto) who were involved.
Howard was the first foreign leader to meet Megawati since
she was sworn in as president several weeks ago. He should
have taken that opportunity to register dismay at, among
other things, recent events in Acheh. Instead, his emphasis
was on searching for common ground upon which to forge
closer ties with the Republic of Indonesia.
Military ties are an inevitable part of that process. In
negotiating such ties, however, the Australian government
should be aware that the highly nationalist President
Megawati will, in the face of pressure from the military and
political elites, give the military a carte blanche to
ensure the integrity of the state against the wishes of
separatist movements such as GAM.
The Howard government is moving dangerously close to being
complicit in what can only be described as a second East
Timor. In Acheh, the rule of law comes from the barrel of a
gun; militia groups armed, trained, and financed by the
military have become more apparent in recent months; the
climate of fear is all-pervasive, and the victim and fear
mentality has led to an escalation in the conflict; the
social fabric for most of the population of four million has
all but disappeared; and infrastructure has been destroyed.
Howard's government should spend time assessing
"lessons learned" and alter its policies
accordingly. The courting of "mateship" must be
delayed. As in all good love stories, a good relationship is
one worth waiting for.
Lesley
McCulloch is based at the University of Tasmania, Australia,
and is one of the contributors to The Acheh Times.
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