| 'Grave human rights violations, "including torture and unlawful killings continue to take place on a daily basis." —— Lucia Withers, London-based Global Human Rights lobby Amnesty International (AI)
'Many injuries were from bayonets, as the military's common tactic of "attack first, ask questions later" was pursued.'
'The Indonesian government says that it is committed to a peaceful settlement to this dispute, but the evidence suggests otherwise.'
'Equipment now used against civilians in Simpang Rambong, should note that this was not merely an isolated incident. All over Acheh there is evidence of similar patterns of behavior by the military.'
'Implemented Islamic Sharia law, as part of the autonomy deal. But Islamic scholars there apparently found little reason to celebrate.'
'The government in Jakarta is either unable or unwilling to address this problem in any meaningful way.'
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 ndonesian President Megawati Sukarnoputri's human rights credentials are facing a severe test in Acheh, as the demand for independence keeps growing stronger as time passes. Already, human rights monitors are pointing to the high death toll in that northwestern Indonesian province as a revealing indicator of politics under Megawati, who took over the Indonesian presidency just a little more than five months ago.
During 2001, Acheh experienced one of its bloodiest years, with close to 1,700 people being killed in separatist-related violence, according to human rights workers. Acheh's 2001 fatalities count is double that of the previous year. An estimated half of the deaths took place after the Megawati administration began its term. The others were killed during the presidency of Abdurrahman Wahid, who was ousted from power in late July 2001 on charges of corruption and incompetence.
Grave human rights violations, "including torture and unlawful killings continue to take place on a daily basis", said Lucia Withers, of the London-based global human rights lobby Amnesty International (AI). Achenese civilians "are frequently subject to collective punishments" by the Indonesian security forces following attacks on the government's troops by the Free Acheh Movement (GAM), she added.
In December, the local TNI from DenRudal paid two visits to the people of Simpang Rambong, close to Kreung Tuan in Acheh Utara (North Acheh). Simpang Rambong is located in an area known to be an ASNLF stronghold. The area is accessible only by unpaved and extremely rough road and most Achenese are afraid to venture there, so the story of Simpang Rambong was slow to emerge.
The first episode in Simpang Rambong happened early in December. The villagers allege that the TNI arrived in Panther armed vehicles at around 6 pm. Evidence of large vehicles having been there is visible in the trail of destruction they left. There are many potholes in the earth, trees were damaged in the attack, and many houses have holes in the walls and windows, suggesting indiscriminate shooting and possibly the use of disproportionate force. On that particular visit to the tiny village, the military burned 10 houses. Many villagers told the same story of an unprovoked attack, but were unwilling to be quoted for fear of reprisals.
Not so in the case of Usre Abdullah, who asked that his photo be taken in what remains of his house in order to make people aware of what happened there. "I don't know why they came and burned my house," he said. "Now I live with my family and I have nothing."
In the same attack several were injured. With no health clinic or doctor in the village many of the wounds remain untreated. The victims are too afraid to speak publicly as Achenese that have done so in the past have been killed or driven from the province by the security forces.
The general mayhem and panic caused by this first attack was compounded during a repeat visit by the TNI only one week later. This time, the villagers allege that over 200 hundred TNI arrived in armored cars. Once again, there was indiscriminate shooting.
In this second incident, Ridwan, aged 13 years, was killed as he took cover inside his house with his mother Raliah. Raliah said she doesn't know why they came to her house. But they shot at it several times and the timber house afforded little protection. "My son Ridwan was killed as he tried to take shelter in the house, but we have only two rooms," she said. "There was nowhere for Ridwan to go." The military shot through the window, smashing the mirror inside and killing him. Around the house lie the bullet casings from the attack, the supplier clearly marked as PT Pindad; supplier to the military.
Many injuries were from bayonets, as the military's common tactic of "attack first, ask questions later" was pursued. In this incident two motorcycles were taken and the two local shops looted. The feeling of terror that such attacks leaves with the local population affords the military some protection. To speak out brings only more terror.
There are many stories such as this throughout Acheh. In such remote areas the people can do nothing but try to survive each day and hope that they will be left in peace. But the military is forever active. If there is peace for the people of Simpang Rambong then there is danger for villagers elsewhere.
The Indonesian government says that it is committed to a peaceful settlement to this dispute, but the evidence suggests otherwise. Many Achenese are asking how it is possible to pursue parallel solutions - working toward peaceful dialogue while at the same time perpetrating murder and mayhem. It seems a not unreasonable question.
The answer lies in the contribution that resource-rich Acheh makes to the Indonesian economy; in the lucrative "business ventures" in which the military and policed stationed there are involved; in the deals struck in Jakarta with the military as Megawati came to power in August, and in the president's willingness to allow the military to pursue its own solution in Acheh to prevent the further disintegration of the republic.
"This is a daily reality which would surely damage anyone's democratic credentials," said Withers, who monitors rights abuse in the Indonesian archipelago for AI. "The situation in Acheh is no worse and no better since Megawati took over the presidency."
Since GAM began its secessionist campaign in 1976, more than 10,000 people have been killed in Acheh, say human rights activists. The activists describe Megawati's stance on that strife-torn province as being similar to those pursued by Wahid and his predecessor, BJ Habibie, both of whom initially showed concern over political violence, but who later failed to follow through with the necessary action to stop the bloodshed. "Like former president Wahid and president Habibie before him, soon after taking office President Megawati apologized to the Achenese for human rights violation committed by past governments," said AI's Withers. "And, just like the two former presidents, President Megawati has not followed through her words with actions."
Worse, Megawati's recent statements seem to indicate a hardening of her position. On December 29, she remarked in a speech to celebrate Indonesia's Army Day that the country's soldiers have a primary duty to defend the country and should not worry about charges of human rights abuse. "Armed with the soldiers' oath and existing laws, carry out your duties and responsibilities in the best possible manner without having to worry about human rights abuse," Megawati was quoted in the media as having said during her speech. Such blessings in support of an army that has a record of oppression were swiftly condemned by local human rights groups.
Indonesia's Commission for Missing Persons and Victims of Violence (Kontras) joined other rights advocates in accusing Megawati of colluding with human rights abusers. They singled out her failure to deal with the unlawful killings and torture in Acheh as a case in point. "The government has failed to show its commitment to seriously processing human rights violations," Ori Rahman of Kontras said.
Megawati's willingness to use Indonesia's military to crush secessionist movements in Acheh and other provinces with simmering rebellions may be because she wants to keep the republic the same way it was when it was still headed by her father, Indonesia's founding president Sukarno, decades ago.
"She is a committed Indonesian nationalist," said Arif Rusli, the Indonesia project coordinator for the Bangkok-based human rights group Forum-Asia. "Since taking power she has made it clear that protecting Indonesian territory is important." But he said that such thinking is common in Jakarta, noting: "The political establishment in Jakarta has always maintained this position. They want to control the provinces."
The international community, which has in the past supplied the equipment now used against civilians in Simpang Rambong, should note that this was not merely an isolated incident. All over Acheh there is evidence of similar patterns of behavior by the military. Most suppliers of the transportation and small arms and light weapons used so effectively against the Achenese will not accept that the equipment is used in such a way. The evidence is compelling, but most will never venture to areas such as Simpang Rambong to hear the stories first-hand.
The international community should hold the Indonesian government accountable for the abuses being perpetrated in Acheh. One way of doing this is for the United States to maintain its arms embargo and for the European Community to impose such an embargo. These (and other states) should also put pressure on other suppliers such as the Chinese and Russians to cease all supplies until those responsible for abuses are brought to justice.
Forum-Asia's Rusli is dismissive of Jakarta's efforts to appease the cries for political freedom in Acheh. He points out that when Jakarta went ahead last year to give Acheh a special autonomy package, "there was little euphoria" among the Achenese. This was despite the fact that the package was in marked contrast to the manner Acheh and other provinces like East Kalimantan and Irian Jaya were brought under Jakarata's control as part of the Indonesian republic. The people of these provinces have had little say in the way their land and resources were used and they lost their rights to pursue their domestic political agenda. Under the special autonomy package, Acheh was promised greater freedom over its land, including a greater say over its oil and natural gas reserves, among other things.
On January 1, Acheh, which has a passionately Muslim population, also implemented Islamic Sharia law, as part of the autonomy deal. But Islamic scholars there apparently found little reason to celebrate. They told the media that the Sharia, an Islamic legal code prescribing religious duties for Muslims and also approving the death penalty and amputation of limbs as forms of punishment, had been practised by Achenese for years.
A UN human rights expert faults Jakarta for refusing to acknowledge a people's right to self-determination. "Many conflicts in this region have emerged due to such a refusal," said Hina Jilani, a Pakistani lawyer serving as the UN secretary-general's special representative on human rights defenders. "The struggle will not go away due to suppression," she said. "Democracy and human rights in a country are incomplete until these issues are addressed."
In Acheh, to speak out is to be wiped out. Several recent high-profile killings are testimony to this. It has become increasingly obvious that the government in Jakarta is either unable or unwilling to address this problem in any meaningful way. Yet in Acheh the international monitoring team called for by civil society groups there is conspicuous only by its absence. The Jakarta government having repeatedly denied such requests. What is it that the Indonesian government is afraid the international community will find there?
In the meantime, the people of Simpang Rambong can only sit and wait. Of one thing they are convinced - that more attacks by the TNI will surely come.
Lesley McCulloch lectures in Asian Studies at the University of Tasmania, Australia.
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